Typography

Every few days for the last month or so I've been refreshing a Federal Reserve page that shows data about daylight overdrafts. For some reason the Fed only updates it every few months. I had been getting quite curious to see what happened during the great September interest rate spike. Well, finally the Fed has uploaded the data. If you don't know about the September rate spike, I'd suggest reading Nathan Tankus's tweet , listening to David Beckworth's podcast with Bill Nelson, or picking through this blog post from Stephen Cecchetti and Kermit Schoenholtz. In short, there was a sudden increase in the demand for Fed balances (also known as reserves), and the Fed was slow to react by increasing the supply of balances. And so the rate at which banks were willing to borrow balances spiked to desperation levels. Why did the demand for balances increase? That's where daylight overdrafts can inform us. By way of background, the Fed has had a long-standing policy of...

James Gillray, a popular caricaturist, drew the above cartoon in 1797. In it, England's Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger is fishing through the pockets of the Old Lady on Threadneedle Street -- the Bank of England -- for gold. At the time, England was in the middle of fighting the Napoleonic wars and its bills were piling up. According to its original 1694 charter, the Bank of England was prohibited from lending directly to the Treasury without the express authority of Parliament. Over the years, the Bank had adopted a compromise of sorts in which it provided the government with limited advances without Parliamentary approval, as long as those amounts did not exceed £50,000. In 1793 Pitt had this prohibition removed and in formalizing the Bank's lending policies, imposed no limit on the amounts that could be advanced by the Bank. Thenceforth Pitt made large and continuous appeals to the Bank for loans. Without the traditional Parliamentary check, there was little the Ban...

This post may get a bit rambling. It's an attempt to tie together a couple of different strands that I've been thinking and reading about. Modern monetary theory (MMT) in a nutshell, at least as far as I see it, goes something like this. Back in the 1990s a couple of clever guys came up with the idea of a government-provided jobs guarantee. They realized that this program would be seen by the public as an expensive boondoggle requiring sky-high taxes and huge debts. Could they outflank these criticisms by finding another way to fund the jobs guarantee? To find the funds the early MMTers worked backwards through the labyrinthine relationship between the Federal Reserve and the Treasury. What they claimed to have discovered at the end of their trek was certainly shocking. The US Treasury, they said, funds itself not by the conventional route of taxes and bonds, but by creating and directly spending fiat (i.e. inconvertible) money. Furthermore, it is not only the government's ...

Marriner Eccles There is an idea floating around on the internet that the US Treasury can finance itself indefinitely by borrowing directly from the Federal Reserve. All the President need do, goes the story, is order the Fed to credit the Treasury's account with fresh money, and voilà – the Treasury can spend willy-nilly. This is called the Treasury's overdraft facility. In actuality, the above operations are impossible since the Treasury is legally prevented from borrowing directly from the Fed. The result is that the Treasury can only spend by ensuring that it has already obtained funding through the collection of taxes or the issuance of securities in the open market. The overdraft facility is a myth. But this wasn't always the case. Marriner Eccles's March 1947 hearing before the House of Representative's Committee on Banking and Currency is a great source of US monetary history. In it we learn that from 1914 to 1935, the Federal Reserve had the power to lend ...

From here ( pdf ). Eccles is speaking about the Fed's ability (since withdrawn) to lend directly to the Treasury without the intermediation of the market: Mr. SPENCE. I assume the reason the authority was repealed in 1935 was because of the existing conditions, then, when there was no reason for the authority: is that correct? Mr. ECCLES. Well, as I remember the discussion—and I have referred to it in this statement—there was a feeling that this left the door wide open to the Government to borrow directly from the Federal Reserve bank all that was necessary to finance the Government deficit, and that took off any restraint toward getting a balanced budget. Of course, in my opinion, that really had no relationship to budgetary deficits, for the reason that it is the Congress which decides on the deficits or the surpluses, and not the Treasury. If Congress appropriates more money than Congress levies taxes to pay, then, there is naturally a deficit, and the Treasury is obligated to b...

A few comments at MMT blogs on the subject of consolidating the nation's central bank and its treasury. See here and here . This argument could probably go on forever, but it is an interesting one. MMT's "general case" is one in which there is a government and at some sub-level a treasury and central bank. The government reigns supreme as a currency issuer since it consolidates both institutions. I don't know why this setup must be the "general case" and everything else anomalous. Why not call an independent central bank and a non-issuing treasury the "general case" and then reason from there? It seems ad hoc to me. I prefer thinking not in terms of hierarchies, nor in some sort of tiered progressions away from the general case, but in terms of poles. At one extreme is a totally independent central bank, at the other is a totally consolidated central bank. In the real world, every institutional setup lies somewhere in between. This reminds me ...

Stephen Williamson talks about clearing and settlement systems, in particular Fedwire. I learn that the Fed offers daylight overdrafts on an uncollateralized basis, but believes itself to be covered by charging a fee and by putting caps on the the amount of credit they are willing to extend. George Selgin pops up again, because he wrote an excellent article called Wholesale payments: questioning the market-failure hypothesis . Available on demand if you email me.

I entered the fray at a couple of MMT blogs. There was some interesting discussion concerning consolidation of the Treasury and central bank, and how MMT portrays/misportrays the actual institutional details of modern central banking in order to make their message easier. Between Depression and Hyperinflation at Winterspeak. From the comments: technical details on MMT at Winterspeak. The General and the Specific in MMT at heteconomist.com Even with the BoE, the old way by which it could lend directly to government - via its "ways and means" advance/overdraft facility - has been effectively neutered. That facility was frozen in 1997 and has since been almost completely repaid. The upshot is that MMT can't look to the BoE as an example of its idealized "consolidation", and it can't give policy recommendations as if these institutional rigidities didn't exist. Relevant link: The Treasury-Fed Accord: A New Narrative Account by Hetzel and Leach